| Sažetak | Ankesija Bosne i Hercegovine je politički čin kojim je Austro-Ugarska stekla suverenitet nad Bosnom i Hercegovinom – provincijom koja je bila pod okupacijom Austro-Ugarske Monarhije još od Berlinskog kongresa iz 1878. godine. Naime, kongres je dao Austro-Ugarskoj pravo da okupira Bosnu i Hercegovinu s ciljem uspostavljanja reda u provinciji koja je bila teško pogođena ratom. Iako je Austro-Ugarska zagospodarila nad provincijom, ona je i dalje ostala pod osmanskim suverenitetom. To se promijenilo 5. listopada 1908. godine kada je austro-ugarska vlada objavila aneksiju. Taj je čin prouzročio ozbiljnu internacionalnu krizu koja je mogla dovesti do rata. Naime, aneksija Bosne i Hercegovine nije samo izazvala Osmansko Carstvo, nego i Kraljevine Srbiju i Crnu Goru koje su se obje željele proširiti na bosanskohercegovački teritorij. Njihove namjere je podržavalo više od 40% stanovništva provincije koje je bilo srpske nacionalnosti. Situacija je postala još ozbiljnija nakon što je Rusija stala na stranu Srbije koja je bila jako blizu objavi rata Austro-Ugarskoj. Jedan nesmotren potez je mogao prouzročiti novi europski rat koji bi imao potencijala za proširenje na ostatak svijeta.
Aneksija Bosne i Hercegovine je također prouzročila mnogo reakcija unutar multinacionalne Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, osobito od strane Hrvata čiji su sunarodnjaci nastanjivali Bosnu i Hercegovinu (oko 22%). Hrvatski teritoriji unutar Monarhije su bili podjeljeni između Austrije i Ugarske na način da je Austrija dobila Dalmaciju i Istru, dok su uža Hrvatske i Slavonija ostale pod ugarskom krunom. Iz tog razloga je svaka hrvatska pokrajina imala vlastito vodstvo. Međutim, sve su hrvatske stranke na početku 20. stoljeća imale isti cilj – ujedinjenje svih hrvatskih teritorija u jedan autonomni entitet pod Habsbuškom krunom. Drugim riječima, cilj Hrvata je bio preurediti Monarhiju iz dualističkog u trijalistički sistem u kojem bi Hrvatska postala treća federalna jedinica. Kad su Bosna i Hercegovina službeno postale dio Monarhije, hrvatski su lideri tražili i njeno ujedinjenje s Hrvatskom oslanjajući taj zahtjev na hrvatsko povijesno i etničko pravo.
Jedna od glavnih figura ove kampanje je bio vođa Hrvatske stranke u Dalmaciji Ante Trumbić. Njegov pogled na aneksiju je fokus ovog diplomskog rada. Kako bi dobili odgovore na pitanja kakav je Trumbićev odnos spram aneksije, Bosni i Hercegovini te općenito hrvatskom pitanju, nužno je razumjeti Trumbićev svjetonazor. Veliku ulogu u formiranju Trumbićeva svjetonazora je imala Stranka prava – antimonarhistička stranka čiji je glavni cilj bio stvoriti nezavisnu Hrvatsku na temelju hrvatskog državnog i etničkog prava. Trumbić je postao sljedbenik Stranke prava još kao mladić kada je studirao pravo u Zagrebu. Kasnije je
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postao jedan od vođa novoosnovane Stranke prava u Dalmaciji. Međutim, u prvim godinama 20. stoljeća Trumbićev se svjetonazor počinje mijenjati pod utjecajem politike „novog kursa“. U suštini, „novi kurs“ je zagovarao formiranje velike političke fronte protiv austrijskog vodstva s ciljem stjecanja hrvatske autonomije. Ova politička fronta nije nastojala okupiti samo hrvatske stranke, nego i njihove tradicionalne političke oponente – dalmatinske Srbe i Talijane te Mađare. Kako bi osnažio hrvatsko-srpsku suradnju „novi kurs“ je promovirao ideju kako su oni „jedan narod po krvi i jeziku“. Ova ideja se kosi s ideologijom Stranke prava čiji je osnivač, Ante Starčević, negirao postojanje Srba u hrvatskim zemljama. To je razlog zašto se Trumbić, u nekim aspektima, trebao udaljiti od Stranke prava. Unatoč tomu, on nije potpuno napustio ideologiju Stranke prava koja će i dalje imati jak utjecaj na Trumbića. Rezultat toga je jedan kompleksan svjetonazor u kojem ideje „novog kursa“, koje su po nekim aspektima projugoslavenske, koegzistiraju s ekskluzivističkim idejama Stranke prava.
Kombinacija tih ideja će formirati Trumbićev stav o budućnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Naime, Trumbić je prestao javno zagovarati ujedinjenje provincije s Hrvatskom kako bi sačuvao dobre odnose sa dalmatinskim Srbima koje je trebao za postizanje ciljeva „novog kursa“. Bez obzira na to, Trumbić neće promijeniti svoje mišljenje da se Bosna i Hercegovina trebaju ujediniti s Hrvatskom nakon što Monarhija provede aneksiju. Međutim, Trumbić je prestao s praksom zahtjevanja Bosne i Hercegovine. Umjesto toga, počinje zagovarati pravo na samoopredjeljenje koje bi se trebalo dati stanovništvu provincije kako bi mogli izjasniti svoje stavove i želje vezane za budućnost njihove zemlje. Trumbić je mislio da će se stanovištvo BiH odlučiti za, po njegovom mišljenju, jedino razumno rješenje, a to je ujedinjenje BiH s Hrvatskom. Na taj način bi se stvorio treći entitet u Monarhiji koji bi sačuvao južnoslavenski identitet tih zemalja i simultano osnažio Hrvatsku.
Kada se aneksija dogodila, Trumbić je bio lider mlade Hrvatske stranke u Dalmaciji. Iako je „novi kurs“ zakazao u svom cilju stvaranja velikog antiaustrijskog fronta, većina njegovih ideja je sačuvana u novoj stranci. Pošto je Trumbić bio glavni ideolog Hrvatske stranke, pozicije stranke su korespondirale s Trumbićevim svjetonazorom. Iz tog razloga, možemo koristiti glasila stranke Narodni list i Velebit za istraživanje Trumbićevih stavova prama aneksiji i krizi koju je izazvala. Glasila su pokazala da je Trumbić ostao na prije elaboriranim pozicijama tijekom cijele aneksijske krize. Međutim, njegova nadanja da će se stanovništvo Bosne i Hercegovine izjasniti za ujedinjenje s Hrvatskom su se pokazala pogrešnima. Kao što se moglo i predvidjeti, samo su bosanskohercegovački Hrvati podržavali ujedinjenje dok su mu se Srbi i musimani protivili. Unatoč tomu, Trumbić je ostao na poziciji da je formiranje trećeg
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južnoslavenskog entiteta u Monarhiji jedini način na koji se može osigurati budućnost za Hrvate, Srbe i bosanskohercegovačke muslimane. Trumbić je formalizirao rečene ciljeve u rezoluciji koja je objavljena u siječnju 1909. godine. Između ostalog, rezolucija je tražila ujedinjenje Bosne i Hercegovine s Hrvatskom, Slavonijom i Dalmacijom na temelju etničkog i državnog prava.
To se tiče aneksijske krize, ona je dosegla vrhunac u prva tri mjeseca 1909. godine. Austro-Ugarska je uspjela doći do dogovora s Osmanskim Carstvom u veljači, ali odnosi s Kraljevinom Srbijom su i dalje bili izrazito loši. Kako su i srbijanska i austro-ugarska vojska bile mobilizirane, rat je izgledao neminovnim. Do rata bi najvjerojatnije i došlo da nije bilo njemačke diplomacije koja je nagovorila Rusiju da prestane davati podršku Srbiji. Bez moćnog zaštitnika, Srbija nije imala dovoljno snage za daljenje suprostavljanje moćnoj Austro-Ugarskoj Monarhiji. Dvije su strane došle do dogovora u ožujku 1909. godine kojim je Srbija priznala ankesiju Bosne i Hercegovine. Međutim, animozitet između Austro-Ugarske i Srbije će se nastaviti i u nadolazećim godinama, a kao što je opće opoznato, u lipnju 1914. godine će iznjedriti i povod Prvom svjetskom ratu. Što se tiče Bosne i Hercegovine, ona je aneksijom formalno postala dio Monarhije. Za razliku od drugih provincija, Bosna i Hercegovina nisu bile utjelovljenje ni jednoj ni drugoj polovici Monarhije, nego su dobile status corpus separatum. Aneksija je, međutim, imala pozitivan efekt za provinciju omogućivši joj liberalniji politički sustav.
Iako je aneksija bila glavni politički događaj 1908. godine, ona nije zasjenila dva krucijalna pitanja za Dalmaciju – ujedinjenje s Hrvatskom i jezično pitanje. Kako bi razumjeli kakva je situacija bila u 1908. godini glede tih pitanja, ponovno ćemo se okrenuti glasilu Velebit. Sudeći po člancima u Velebitu, sjedinjenje Dalmacije s Hrvatskom u godini 1908. nije izgledalo kao realna mogućnost, iako su vodstva obiju provincija podržavala tu inicjativu. Bez obzira na to, car Franjo Josip i austro-ugarska vlada su se protivili sjedinjenju uglavnom zbog činjenice da su hrvatski teritoriji pripadali različitim polovicama Monarhije pa je, stoga, ujedinjenje bilo nemoguće bez reorganizacije cijele države. Za razliku od pitanje sjedinjenja, veliki su koraci napravljeni u borbi za proglašenje hrvatskog jezika službenim jezikom provincije. Naime, iako je 97% Dalmatinaca govorilo hrvatski ili srpski, službeni jezik provincije je bio talijanski. Međutim, u godini 1908. konstantan pritisak hrvatskih stranaka u Dalmaciji se konačno isplatio. Vlada je najavila da će proglasiti hrvatski jezik službenim u Dalmaciji čim se za to steknu uvjeti. Jezično pitanje će konačno biti riješeno u travnju 1909. godine kada je hrvatski dobio status službenog jezika provincije. |
| Sažetak (engleski) | The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina refers to the political act of Austria-Hungary in 1908 by which it gained sovereignty over Bosnia and Herzegovina - a province which was under the Monarchy’s occupation since the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Namely, Austria-Hungary was given the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina with the mission of restoring order in a war-stricken province. Even though Austria-Hungary took the rule over the province, it still remained under the Ottoman sovereignty for another 30 years. This all changed on the 5th of October 1908 when the Austro-Hungarian government announced the annexation. This act caused a serious international crisis which almost escalated into a war. Namely, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina did not only provoke the Ottoman Empire, but also the Kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro who both wanted to expand to the Bosnian territory. Their intentions were backed by more than 40% of the province’s inhabitants who considered themselves to be nationally Serbian. The situation got even more serious after Russia allied with Serbia who was very close to declaring war upon Austria-Hungary. One careless move could have led to a new European war which would have had a great possibility of expanding itself into the rest of the world.
The act of annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina also caused a lot of reactions from the inside of the multinational Austria-Hungary, especially from the Croats whose fellow compatriots inhabited the province (about 22%). The Croatian territories in the Monarchy were divided among Austria and Hungary in the way that Austria got Dalmatia and Istria while Croatia proper and Slavonia remained under the Hungarian Crown. Because of that fact, each Croatian region had its own leadership. However, all of the Croatian parties at the start of the 20th century had the same goal - the unification of Croatian territories into one autonomous entity under the Habsburg Crown. In other words, the goal of the Croats was to rearrange the Monarchy into a trialist system where Croatia would become the third federal unit. When Bosnia and Herzegovina officially became a part of the Monarchy, the Croatian leaders demanded its unification with Croatia which they based on the Croatian historical and ethnic rights.
One of the main figures of this campaign was the leader of the Croatian party in Dalmatia Ante Trumbić. His viewpoint of the annexation is the focus of this master thesis. In order to answer what Trumbić’s relation towards the annexation, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and finally the Croatian question altogether was, it is crucial to understand Trumbić’s worldview. A huge role in the forming of Trumbić’s mindset had the Party of Rights - an antimonarchist party
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whose main goal was to create an independent Croatian state on the basis of Croatian historical and ethnic rights. Trumbić was a follower of the Party’s ideology since his young adulthood when he was a law student in Zagreb. Later, he became one of the leaders of the new-founded Party of Rights in Dalmatia. However, in the first years of the 20th century, Trumbić’s worldview starts to change under the influence of the “new course” policy. In a nutshell, the “new course” advocated a formation of a huge political front against the Austrian leadership with the goal of achieving Croatian autonomy. This political front was not only ment to consist out of Croatian parties, but also of their traditional political opponents - Dalmatian Serbs and Italians and the Hungarians. In order to strengthen the relationship between Croats and Serbs, the “new course” promoted the idea of them being one nation in “blood and language”. This idea is opposed to the ideology of the Party of Rights whose founder, Ante Starčević, denied the existing of Serbs in Croatian lands. That is the reason why Trumbić needed to distance himself in some aspects from the Party of Rights. In spite of that, he did not fully abandon the ideology of the Party which will still have a strong influence over Trumbić. The result was a complex mindset where the “new course” ideas, which were in some instances pro-Yugoslav, coexisted with the exclusivist Croatian ideas of the Party of Rights.
A combination of those ideas would form Trumbić’s opinion and wishes about the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Namely, Trumbić ceased to publically demand the unification of the province with Croatia in order to create and preserve a better relationship with the Dalmatian Serbs whom he needed for achieving the goals of the “new course”. Nevertheless, he would not change his opinion that Bosnia and Herzegovina should be unified with Croatia after the Monarchy carried out the annexation. However, Trumbić quit with the praxis of demanding Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead, he introduced the notion of self-determination which should be given to the people of the province, so that they could express their own positions and wills about the future of their native land. Trumbić thought that the people would opt for, in his opinion, the only reasonable solution and that was to unify Bosnia and Herzegovina with the rest of the Croatian lands, thus, forming a third entity in the Monarchy which would preserve its South Slavic identity and simultaneously empower Croatia.
In the time when the annexation finally happened, Trumbić was the key figure of the young Croatian Party in Dalmatia. Even though the “new course” failed in its attempt to form a wide political anti-Austrian front, most of its ideas were preserved in the new Party. Due to the fact that Trumbić was the main ideologist of the Croatian Party, the positions of the Party corresponded with Trumbić’s viewpoint. Therefore, the Party’s journals Narodni list (People’s
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paper) and Velebit were safe to use for examining Trumbić’s attitudes towards the annexation and the crises it provoked. The journals showed that Trumbić remained on the before elaborated positions throughout the annexation crisis. However, his hopes that the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be in favour of the unification with Croatia, proved to be wrong. As it was expected, only the Bosnian Croats supported this idea while the Serbs and Muslims remained strongly against it. Despite that, Trumbić remained on the position that forming a third South Slavic entity in the Monarchy was the only way of securing a future for Croats, Serbs and Bosnian Muslims. Trumbić formalized said goals in a resolution which was made public in January 1909. Among else, the resolution requested the unification of Bosnia and Herzegovina with Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia on the basis of ethnic and historical rights.
Regarding the annexation crisis, it reached its peak in the first three months of 1909. Austria-Hungary had managed to reach an agreement with the Ottoman Empire in February, but the relations with the Kingdom of Serbia only worsened. As both the Austro-Hungarian and the Serbian army were mobilized, a new European war seemed inevitable. And it most probably would have happened had it not been for the German diplomacy which persuaded Russia to stop supporting Serbia. Without its powerful friend, Serbia did not have enough strength to oppose the mighty Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The two sides reached an agreement at the end of March 1909, by which Serbia acknowledged the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the animosity between Austro-Hungary and Serbia would continue in the following years and, as it is commonly known, in June of 1914 it would trigger the First World War. As for Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the annexation it formally became a part of the Monarchy. Unlike the rest of the provinces, Bosnia and Herzegovina was not incorporated neither with the Austrian nor the Hungarian half, but received a status of corpus separatum. The annexation itself had a positive effect for the province as it enabled it to obtain a more liberal political system.
Even though the annexation was the main political event of the year, it did not push aside two crucial questions for Dalmatia – the unification with Croatia and the language question. In order to understand what the situation was like in 1908 concerning those two questions, we again must turn to the journal Velebit. According to Velebit's writing, the unification of Dalmatia with Croatia in the year 1908 seemed very unlikely in spite of the fact that both province leaderships were strongly backing this initiative. Nevertheless, the emperor Franz Joseph and the Austro-Hungarian government were against such idea mostly due to the fact that Croatia and Dalmatia belonged to different halfs of the Monarchy, and therefore, an unification
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was not possible without rearanging the whole state all together. As opposed to the unification, major steps forward had been made in the struggle for making Croatian language the official language of the province. Namely, even though 97% of Dalmatians spoke Croatian or Serbian, the official language of the province remained Italian. However, in the year 1908 the constant pressure of the Croatian parties in Dalmatia had finally payed off. The government announced that it would reognize Croatian as the official language in Dalmatia as soon as all conditions were fulfilled. The language question would finally be solved in April of 1909 when Croatian acquired the status of the official language in the province. |
